By Nayan Chanda
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Additional info for Brother enemy : the war after the war
When Chen arrived in Hanoi on August 31, Premier Pham Van Dong climbed the ramp of the plane to embrace him-a tradition from the days of militant solidarity. But Hanoi media did not let politeness stand in the way of its political independence: they deleted Chen's references to hegemony when they reported his speech. " The Vietnamese people , the broadcast said, "know the difference between friend and foe ," and they are aware of "invaluable and unselfish support" from Moscow. 23 Such an open tussle between Moscow and Peking over Hanoi's loyalty did not augur well for the Vietnamese policy of trying to steer clear of big brothers' disputes while continuing to seek their help.
5 miles to keep it within Cochin Chinese administration, served its purpose for the colonial government. However, as Brevie himself added, "the question of whose territory these islands are remains outstanding. "38 In negotiations between Cambodia and the National Liberation Front in 1966, the Brevie line was, however, accepted as the existing border. Probably out of concern not to antagonize Prince Sihanouk by questioning the validity of the Brevie line at a time when the NLF needed his support, the Vietnamese acknowledged it as the sea boundary.
In April 1972, in a move that in retrospect appears to have been designed to secure American acquiescence to its claim in the wake of Nixon's historic trip to China two months earlier, Peking protested against the intrusion of American vessels into territorial waters around the Paracel Islands. Judging by his memoirs , former U. S. secretary of state Henry Kissinger did not question China's claims to the Paracels, despite the opposing South Vietnamese claims to, and actual occupation of, part of the islands .
Brother enemy : the war after the war by Nayan Chanda